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According to Agence France-Presse on June 26, police and military installations are being increasingly targeted by the population. A number of police stations, military posts and barracks have been attacked and burned down, the attackers seizing large caches of weapons in some instances.
Roots of the conflict.
The roots of the conflict are not so much in religious differences as in a range of local disputes between the communities which were ignored or suppressed during the Suharto dictatorship.
In Ambon, Christians were believed by many Muslims to have preferential access to government jobs. Government jobs, which ensure a secure income, social standing and additional sources of income from corruption, are eagerly sought after and Christians feared that the influx of Muslims from other islands, part of the government’s transmigration program, would lead to more Muslim representation in the civil service. Tensions between local communities and transmigrants have long been a cause of violence in many parts of the country.
Under the Suharto dictatorship, religious organisations — particularly Islamic — were the only forms of social organisation allowed to flourish. Political parties, trade unions, student groups and other mass political organisations were dismantled, forcibly merged or taken over and, by the early 1980s, had ceased to play any significant role in Indonesian society. Although non-government organisations were allowed some freedom to operate, strict regulations prevented them from playing a political role.
The religious card was and is still used to garner political support and there are plenty of underemployed people willing to take up arms on behalf of their communities if given a little money and encouragement.
In North Maluku, where some of the fiercest fighting has taken place recently, the conflict involves a long-standing rivalry between the traditionally dominant sultans of the islands of Ternate and Tidore, which are at the heart of the nutmeg and cloves trade. It also involves resentment among the Christian minority on the main island of Halmahera towards Muslims who were resettled in their neighbourhood after a volcanic eruption 25 years ago.
Complicating the situation has been the struggle over control of resources and territory in the wake of Suharto’s overthrow, including control of the new province of North Maluku.
Another factor is the arrival in recent weeks of thousands of well-funded, well-organised Muslim militants from Java — the Lakasar Jihad — who say they have come to fight a jihad (holy war). Wahid explicitly ordered them not to go to the Malukus, but the security forces at the Tanjung Perak port of Surabaya in East Java did not stop them from boarding ships on the grounds that the militants were not carrying weapons.
The militants have now obtained modern automatic weapons, presumably from sympathisers in the military, and they are reported to have been involved in large-scale attacks on Christian communities, causing heavy casualties.
Reports from the village of Duma on Ternate, where as many as 142 Christians were killed and another 160 were wounded on June 19, said that jihad fighters moved freely around town. A succession of Christian areas across Halmahera have been overrun. “The pressure on Tobelo is now intense”, a Manado-based church source told the June 28 South China Morning Post. There are “thousands of Christians with nowhere to go”.
Conflict in the elite.
Although the inability of the government to control these “external” factors is partly a result of the disarray in the administration, there is little doubt that some sections of the political and military elite are at least tacitly encouraging the violence.
The Lakasar Jihad clearly have high-level backing — they received training in a camp in Bogor near Jakarta on land owned by an influential political figure, Hilal Thalib, the chairperson of the Al Irsad Foundation. Someone is paying for their food, accommodation and transport.
On June 3, Wahid publicly accused several legislators of being behind the unrest, adding that the government now had enough evidence to “nail” those concerned. Although he did not name names, he was quoted on July 3 by Agence France-Presse as saying, “One of them is a heavyweight who has been difficult to legally net because of the lack of evidence”.
Wahid and several of his senior officials have repeatedly accused unidentified people who were influential during the Suharto era of being behind the communal violence in several parts of the country. According to the July 6 Far Eastern Economic Review, there is a growing sense that the Maluku violence is part of a deliberate campaign to weaken — though probably not topple — the president ahead of the People’s Consultative Assembly session in August. The FEER quoted politics analyst Cornelius Luhulima as saying, “They want to use the Malukus as a battleground for political change in Jakarta”.
The FEER said these figures range from disaffected retired and serving military officers trying to stir the political pot in Jakarta, to well-funded Muslim extremists seeking to capitalise on a shift in the demographic balance of a region that was once a Christian majority in an otherwise Islamic nation.
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